At Arica, for example, a considerable interval would seem to have elapsed before the terrible sea-wave, which has always characterised Peruvian earthquakes, poured in upon the town. The agent of the Pacific Steam Navigation Company, whose house had been destroyed by the earth-shock, saw the great sea-wave while he was flying towards the hills. He writes:—’While passing towards the hills, with the earth shaking, a great cry191 went up to heaven. The sea had retired. On clearing the town, I looked back and saw that the vessels were being carried irresistibly seawards. In a few minutes the sea stopped, and then arose a mighty wave fifty feet high, and came in with a fearful rush, carrying everything before it in terrible majesty. The whole of the shipping came back, speeding towards inevitable doom. In a few minutes all was completed—every vessel was either on shore or bottom upwards.’ This, then, was undoubtedly the great sea-wave, as compared with the minor waves of disturbance which characterise all earthquakes near the shores of the ocean　dermes.

One remarkable feature in this terrible earthquake is the enormous range of country affected by it. From Quito southwards as far as Iquique—or, in other words, for a distance considerably exceeding a full third part of the whole length of the South American Andes—the shock was felt with the most terrible distinctness. We have yet to learn how much farther to the north and south, and how far inland on the eastern slopes of the Andes, the shock was experienced. But there can be little doubt that the disturbed country was equal to at least a fourth of Europe　Neo skin lab.

The portion of the Andes thus disturbed seems to be distinct from the part to which the great Chilian earthquakes belong. The difference in character between the Peruvian and Chilian earthquakes is a singular and interesting phenomenon. The difference corresponds to a feature long since pointed out by Sir Charles Lyell,—the alternation, on a grand scale, of192 districts of active with those of extinct volcanoes. It is said that in Chili a year scarcely ever passes without shocks of earthquake being felt; in certain regions, not even a month. of earthquake-disturbance characterises Peru. Yet, although both districts are shaken in this manner, there seems to be distinct evidence of alternating disturbance as respects the occurrence of great earthquakes. Thus in 1797 took place the terrible earthquake of Riobamba　reenex facial.

Then, thirty years later, a series of great earthquakes shook Chili, permanently elevating the whole line of coast to the height of several feet. Now, again, after another interval of about thirty years, the Andes are disturbed by a great earthquake, and this time it is the Peruvian Andes which experience the shock. Between Chili and Peru there is a space upwards of five hundred miles long, in which no volcanic action has been observed. Singularly enough, this very portion of the Andes, to which one would imagine the Peruvians and Chilians would fly as to a region of safety, is the part most thinly inhabited, insomuch that, as Von Buch observes, it is in some places entirely deserted.

When Scheer actually did break off battle, we shall find that he turned his fleet in succession through an angle of 135°. There were special reasons that made it obligatory he should do this, and special conditions which made it possible. Until he met the Grand Fleet, there was nothing to force him to turn, and the counter-stroke on which he relied to rob the turn of its chief dangers would not have been operative against the two squadrons of fast ships under Sir David Beatty’s command apartment hong kong.

Had Scheer attempted such a turn as he actually made at 6:45, or had he initiated and continued such a man?uvre as he began at six o’clock, Beatty’s speed advantage would have enabled him to maintain his dominating313 position ahead of the German line. He could either have man?uvred to get round between Scheer and his bases, with a view to heading him north again, or, if he judged it hopeless to expect the Grand Fleet to reach the scene in daylight, could himself have reversed course and pounded the weak ships at the end of the German line unmercifully.

In any event, while it would be an exaggeration to say that he had the whip-hand of the enemy, it is no exaggeration to say that his force was so formidable and so fast as to make escape from it anything but a safe or a simple problem. The utmost Scheer could have hoped for would have been a long defensive action until darkness made attack impossible, or winning the mine-fields made pursuit too dangerous Hong Kong tour.

be ignored in asking why it was that Scheer followed the British Admiral so obediently in the hour and a quarter between 4:57 and 6 P.M. But still less must we forget that had Scheer known earlier that the Grand Fleet was out, he would certainly have preferred the risk of a pursuit by Beatty to the chance of having to take on the whole of Sir John Jellicoe’s battle fleet.

At twenty-five minutes to six Admiral Scheer began hauling round to the east, changing his course, that is to say, gradually away from the British line. Sir David supposes that he had by this time received information of the approach of the Grand Fleet. This information might have come from Zeppelins, though in the weather conditions this would seem to have been improbable; or it might have come from some of his cruisers, which were well ahead, and had made contact with Hood’s scouts. But is this quite consistent with what Admiral Jellicoe says of Hood’s movements Neo skin lab?

314 “At 5:30 this squadron observed flashes of gun-fire and heard the sound of guns to the southwestward. Rear-Admiral Hood sent Chester to investigate, and this ship engaged three or four enemy light cruisers at about 5:45.”

It is not stated that Rear-Admiral Hood saw the German light cruisers, and it seems improbable, then, that they saw him. Admiral Scheer could not have changed course at 5:35, because of the action of his scouts with Chester at 5:45. But her presence may have been signalled to him as soon as she was seen, and he may have concluded that the news could have but one significance, viz., that the Grand Fleet was coming down from the north. But is it altogether impossible that Scheer began his gradual easterly turn before suspecting that the Grand Fleet was out? Was he not, perhaps, already aware of the dangers of getting too far afield, and beginning that gradual turn which might keep Sir David Beatty’s ships in play as long as daylight lasted, without giving the openings which a direct attempt at flight would offer? Whatever the explanation of the movements, the enemy began this gradual turn and Sir David turned with him, increasing speed, so as to maintain his general relation to the head of the German line. At ten minutes to six some of the Grand Fleet’s cruisers were observed ahead, and six minutes later the leading battleships came into view. The moment for which every movement since 2:20 had been a preparation had now arrived—the Grand Fleet and the German Fleet were to meet.

Books to the amount of about seven dollars were required if I should enter the Vail school and that was a large sum of money in our large family. The turning point in my life came on a cold December day in 1877. I had taken a load of hay to Denison about eight miles away. All the way there and back I was pondering over the question of an education. When I drove into the yard after returning from 129 town, father came to assist in putting away the team. I was stiff with cold, but I said, “Father, I am going to Vail to school after New Year’s.” He retorted, “Where is the money to come from for the books?” I said, “Father, you spend six dollars per year for chewing tobacco” (his only bad habit), “and you can afford that much to send your boy to school reenex facial.”

I went to school two and a half months that winter and likewise the next two winters. I then secured a second-grade certificate and taught a county school the two winters preceding my twenty-first birthday. Each winter I taught a four months’ term—wages $30 per month the first winter, and $35 the second. The first winter I walked three miles across the prairie, cared for a team at home and acted as my own janitor at the schoolhouse. This was the awful winter of 1880-81, when the snow was four feet deep on the level. There were no roads that were available to me, and I made my own path. I saved one hundred dollars that winter and a like sum the following winter, so when I attained my majority in April, 1882, I had two hundred dollars tr90 ageloc.

and I did not possess even a trunk. I owned a colt that I sold for fifty dollars. That summer I worked on my father’s farm at a wage of twenty dollars per month for five months, and on September 15, 1882, I started for Drake University with $350, a suit of clothes and a trunk. I had thought by day and dreamed by night of a college 130 education, and now the dream was to become a reality. As the train whistled at the station, father grasped me by the hand and, with tears streaming down his face, said, “Boy, I have opposed this all the time, but I guess you are doing the right thing.” That was the first word of encouragement I had ever received from my parents to proceed with my education.

My room, partially furnished, cost me four dollars per month when I shared it with another, and board was $1.75 per week in the “club.” We did not fare sumptuously, but we had sufficient wholesome food to keep us in good health. I did not earn any money during the first fall and winter, but in the spring I seized an opportunity to earn three dollars per week by sweeping six rooms, carrying the coal for the same, and ringing the bells for all the classes and the college bells from 6 A. M. to 9 P. M. A watch was necessary for my work, so I took part of my hard-earned wages and bought a watch which is now a treasured possession. The following summer I worked upon the home farm and returned to Drake in the fall.